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The focus of this study was to identify factors which enhance or complicate second language learners’ acculturation and language acquisition processes. The researchers conducted structured interviews at a southern California high school with a diverse population of English Language Learners. The students’ experiences of making linguistic and cultural transitions revealed some common patterns as well as individual needs. The language proficiency profiles varied considerably, suggesting that educators must have a firm grasp of language development pedagogy to address their English learners’ needs.

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Introduction
How do English Language Learners (ELLs) describe their experiences in high schools? What levels of English proficiency are brought from their home countries? How do acculturation dynamics impact language acquisition? These questions were central to the research conducted with a diverse population of secondary language learners. The study’s purpose was to (1) identify the students’ English proficiency levels, (2) examine factors which enhance or delay second language learners’ acculturation and language acquisition processes, and (3) consider how the two processes might be interdependent.

Background
The population of ELLs nears two million in California schools. Under current State laws, every teacher has the responsibility of instructing language learners in mainstream classrooms. Proposition 227 in the 1990’s practically dismantled bilingual programs and made allowances for one year of transition instruction for children learning English. Now both experienced and new teachers are assumed to be culturally and linguistically trained–capable of working effectively with language learners. Yet recent teacher credentialing legislation (SB 2042) requires no foreign language training for teacher candidates, plus expects language and culture content to be delivered in general education courses by all teachers, regardless of their area of expertise, language learning experience or training depth.
In this climate the typical English learner in California attends classes with mostly native English-speaking peers. It is no wonder that the achievement gap between them and other students continues to widen in spite of the fact that every teacher is supposed to be doing his or her part in the ELLs’ language development (Freeman & Freeman, 2002). A recent comprehensive review of state instruction points out that there is little equity in the instructional services English learners are experiencing in schools across California. Many teachers report not having sufficient training to work with English learners in their preliminary credentialing programs or in subsequent professional development. Another complaint surrounds the lack of appropriate materials and texts for students learning English (Fisher, 2001).
It is also important to examine students’ English skill levels and the academic challenges they face as well as the context and significance of factors contributing to acculturation processes.

Theoretical Framework
Many factors govern learners’ progress in second language and culture acquisition (SLA). Intrinsic factors such as students’ motivation, emerging linguistic and cultural identity, study strategies, tolerance for ambiguity, and sociocultural support or pressure are examples of factors determining the learners’ success in mastering second language (for an extensive explanation of the SLA process, refer to Brown, 2000.)
Immigrant students enter the public school system at different ages and under very different circumstances. Although the majority of English learners in California have Spanish-speaking backgrounds, other significant language groups exist also. The students’ first language (L1) can contribute to the challenges encountered in mastering English. Diaz-Rico (2000) cautions that it can be quite difficult for students to feel proud of their cultures, if they suffer from low status in the majority culture, which, in turn, affects the rate of their second language (L2) acquisition.
Besides L1, both prior experiences in English study (formal or informal) and time spent in the US impact how soon students can be expected to interact with their English-speaking peers. It is estimated that Basic Interpersonal Communication Skills (BICS) take most learners a few years to develop whereas achieving Cognitive and Academic Language Competence (CALP) is an effort that requires several additional years to accomplish (Cummins 2001). Freeman and Freeman (2002) have categorized ELLs into three distinguishable groups: Newly Arrived Learners with Adequate Formal Schooling, Newly Arrived Learners with Limited Formal Schooling, and Long-Term English Language Learners. All three groups struggle to learn English and content at the same time but have additional issues based on literacy and educational history in either language.
What individualizes and complicates the SLA process further is that “one’s self-identity is inextricably bound up with one’s language, for it is in the communicative process … that such identities are confirmed, shaped, and reshaped” (Brown, 2000, p. 64). Guiora (1972) proposed the concept of language ego as being a key factor in difficulties for adult language learners. Their whole self-identity is questioned when fumbling through the maze of a new language. Brown (2000) suggested that learning a second language is actually the same as acquiring a second identity and that L2 learning success depends largely on one’s ability to become vulnerable and strong enough to suffer through the phase of inhibitions and insecurities.
Learning a language equals learning the culture which birthed it. Schumann’s (1976) hypothesis is that the greater the social distance between the two cultures, the more difficulty the learner experiences in learning the second language. Psychological distance between the two cultures can predict the potential success in one’s SLA process. Motivated L2 students with a positive attitude toward the target language and culture are more likely to be successful than those whose feelings toward the same things are negative or fearful. However, Chiang and Schmida (2002) in their studies of linguistic identity and ability discovered that they do not always go hand in hand: one may feel connected to the culture but not be able to connect with it linguistically. Identifying with the new culture and developing a new identity is tension that not all L2 learners can resolve. Hawkins (2004) believes ELLs are like apprentices who need to be taught not only the language of the school but also the sociocultural behaviors and beliefs of the school community. Without this process, the second language learners cannot find their social status in the school context, which, in turn, affects their participation and status, both of which lead to more language and interaction. A hopeful possibility is explored by McCafferty in reconceptualizing adolescent identity “as it relates to representing oneself in a second language–culture is considered in relation to the interface between language, culture and cognition” (McCafferty, 2002, p. 1). He contextualized language and cultural learning holistically, as it takes place related to gender roles, family and community responsibilities, and the social world around the adolescents. Part of the focus of this study was to hear the students’ experience of their entire learning context.